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INTRODUCTION

On May 25, 2020, George Floyd was murdered at the hands of a White police officer in Minneapolis. This resulted in an eruption of global protests under the banner of the #BlackLivesMatter movement. Across the globe, society was confronted with and forced to examine the impact of racial violence and racism. One consequence of the George Floyd murder and the subsequent outpouring of protest was to highlight the domination of White groups in all areas of society. "White privilege," the privileging of White interests above those of people of color across social, economic and political fields, became a media buzzword. It became both shorthand for practices of racial discrimination and also a marker of "wokeness" within discourses of racism. In particular, being "woke" became a dismissive term signifying individuals or organizations promoting antiracist practice such as the recognition of White privilege.

The materialization of White privilege through structural and institutional racism suffuses Anglo American society. In the United Kingdom, ethnic minority groups foot_0 are more likely to live in poverty (Butler 2020) , live in poor housing (IRR 2020), suffer poor health (Marmot 2020), be unemployed (Zwysen et al. 2020) , be paid less when in employment (Henehan & Rose 2018) , and be disadvantaged in the criminal justice system (Lammy 2017) compared with White groups. In education, Black Caribbean, Pakistani, and Bangladeshi groups are less likely to achieve three good A level foot_1 grades compared with their White peers (GOV.UK 2020), and Black pupils are more likely to be placed in lower sets and receive harsher punishment compared with their White peers in schools (Gillborn et al. 2021 , YMCA 2020) .

Similarly, in the United States, recent research has found racial inequalities between White groups and people of color. Black groups experience the most disadvantages; they are disproportionately represented in low-wage employment, underrepresented in high-wage employment, and more likely to earn less than their White colleagues (McKinsey & Co. 2022) . They are also more likely to live in poverty (Creamer 2020) . Black groups are more likely to be stopped and searched by the police compared with White groups (NYU 2020). Black men are disproportionately more likely to be killed by police compared with White groups (Collins 2020) . In education, Black groups are more likely to attend schools that are underresourced, more likely to experience assessment and grading bias in testing practices, and less likely to have a bachelor's degree (Dhaliwal et al. 2020) .

The COVID-19 pandemic has also highlighted how White privilege adapts to new and unforeseen social and economic challenges. It has exacerbated and highlighted already existing inequalities for people of color. In the United Kingdom, ethnic minority groups were more likely to die from COVID-19 (ONS 2020); more likely to experience financial difficulties; and less likely to isolate due to overcrowded housing, poverty, and being employed on zero-hour contracts (Treolar 2020) . Similarly, in the United States, Black households were likely to experience greater disadvantages during the COVID-19 pandemic compared with White households (Monte & Perez-Lopez 2021). The pandemic worsened racial inequalities, particularly those entrenched by structural and institutional racism, suggesting that such inequalities are not aberrations or exceptions-they are the norm and provide evidence of how White privilege operates to uphold White supremacy. In this article, I argue that an analysis of White privilege first requires an analysis of racism; one cannot be understood without the other. White privilege works hand in hand with racism. Racism exists because of White privilege and vice versa, and through this process, racism continues as a normal, everyday reality.

I begin by examining how Whiteness as an identity is crucial to understanding how White privilege works. I argue that an analysis of Whiteness and White privilege cannot be understood without including fundamental principles of Critical Race Theory (CRT) . I use CRT to analyze the different ways in which racism works for the benefit of White groups, to reinforce a system of White privilege based on a White racial hegemony. I then go on to use higher education as an example of how White privilege is used as a system of oppression to uphold the White racial social order. In order to analyze White privilege, I first explore the concept of Whiteness and examine how it is used in CRT.

WHITENESS

Critical Whiteness studies analyzes how Whiteness as an identity can be critically explored as a conceptual racial category (Dyer 1997 , Ignatiev 1995 , Roediger 1991) . It has been widely explored across different disciplines, including history, sociology, and legal studies (Allen 1994 , Brodkin 1999 , Bush 2005 , hooks 1997 , Lipsitz 1998 , Thompson 2001 , Winant 1997 , Warren 2000 , Wise 2007) . Early scholarship and analysis of Whiteness situated it in relation to capitalism and the ways in which Whiteness was used as a form of oppression. Whiteness was understood as a social identity, as an "unmarked category against which difference is constructed" (Lipsitz 1998, p. vii; Frankenberg 1993) , as cultural representation based on the embodiment of racial identification (Dyer 1997), as property (Harris 1993) , or as the ownership of assets in the form of privileges (McIntosh 1992) .

Such initial analysis provided the foundations for Critical Whiteness studies, in which Whiteness as a concept is central to understanding and providing a critique of how Whiteness and White privilege have been used as systems of oppression and domination: "race is understood as a differential system of advantage that benefits all whites, regardless of their class or gender status" (Leonardo 2009, p. 69) . From this perspective, all White groups benefit from their Whiteness, albeit in different ways. Leonardo unpacks this undifferentiated aspect of Whiteness, suggesting, "Whites are the subjects of whiteness, whereas people of color are its objects. All whites benefit from racist actions whether or not they commit them and despite the fact that they may work against them" (Leonardo 2009, p. 111) . Some scholars have argued for the abolition of Whiteness as an ideological, social, psychological, and political construct (Ignatiev & Garvey 1996 , Roediger 1994) ; others have explored White identity politics (Lipsitz 1998) and how "white racism" works as a form of oppression (Feagin & Vera 1995) .

Whiteness has been widely analyzed as a marker of advantage and oppression (Frankenberg 1993 (Frankenberg , 1997;; Hurtado 1996; McIntosh 1992; Rothenberg 2002) . Frankenberg (1993, p. 1) describes Whiteness as "a location of structural advantage. . .a standpoint from which to view society. . .and a set of cultural practices that are usually unmarked and unnamed." White groups invest in Whiteness because it is the most privileged form of identity from which they gain the most benefits (Lipsitz 1998). Whiteness, then, shapes a particular standpoint; Whiteness defines a location of structural advantage (economic, political, social, and cultural) that is normalized (Frankenberg 1997) . It is an identity that is seemingly invisible to White groups because it is constructed as a normative baseline, but one that is visible to people of color because they are positioned outside of its boundaries. Because White groups have a significant investment in their White privilege, "white people create the dominant images of the world and don't quite see that they thus construct the world in their own image; white people set standards of humanity by which they are bound to succeed and others bound to fail" (Dyer 1997, p. 9; my emphasis). Whiteness is centered as the norm because "Whiteness both names and critiques hegemonic beliefs and practices that designate white people as 'normal' and racially 'unmarked'" (Hartigan 2005, p. 1) .

Owen argues that Whiteness is an embodied identity, in which "whiteness is grounded in the interests, needs and values of those racialized as white, so it is founded on the ascribed racial identity of being white. . . . Whiteness shapes actions, social practices and dispositions, and thus constitutes a part of that 'know how' or practical knowledge that competent social actors possess. By means of ongoing processes of socialization and acculturation, it becomes part of our bodily dispositions and comportment within the world" (Owen 2007, p. 206; my emphasis) . Whiteness is part of the social, cultural, and normative practices that exist in society. Whiteness works to shape the cognitive functions of individuals because they are socialized to believe that Whiteness is the norm, in this sense: "When whiteness is normalized and overt forms of racial prejudice and discrimination are seen as extreme and rare, whiteness functions behind the scenes, so to speak, to shape the world to the advantage of those racialized as white. A normally functioning society becomes defined as one that is structured by whiteness, which therefore functions to reproduce a society that is understood to be free of fundamental racial contradictions" (Owen 2007, p. 208) . In this sense, Whiteness is not seen to be problematic or something to be deconstructed or even named. Instead, it is a taken-for-granted identity that is used to reinforce White privilege.

RACISM, WHITE PRIVILEGE, AND WHITE SPACE

To better understand the workings of White privilege, it is necessary to focus on how race and racism work. A central tenet of CRT is Derrick Bell's (1980 Bell's ( , 1992) ) concept of "racial realism," which emphasizes the normality of racism, and White privilege, within all political, legal, and economic structures embedded in global histories. CRT rejects the idea that race is a biological fixed category, instead understanding it to be a social construct (Omni & Winant 1994) . Race and races are constructed by society as a product of social thought, constructed and reconstructed to benefit Whites. The concept of race is used to maintain and reinforce power relations in which the normality of a White dominant group is endlessly restated as the means by which other groups of color can be identified as subordinate because they are distinct from the White norm.

Race remains a permanent social force by which White privilege and racial inequalities are perpetuated-society "creates races and endows them with pseudopermanent characteristics" (Delgado & Stefancic 2012, p. 9) . The superiority of the White race is dependent on the inferiority of the Black race. From this perspective, White privilege is used to maintain the social, political, and economic power of White supremacy. Mills (1997, p. 3) notes that the structuring consequences of White privilege are not restricted to local or national contexts-rather, racism "is a global White supremacy and is itself a political system, a particular power structure of formal and informal rule, privilege, socioeconomic advantages, and wealth and power opportunities." Through this system of White hegemony, "racist hierarchical structures govern all political, economic and social domains. Such structures allocate the privileging of Whites" (Bell 1992, p. 27) .

Whiteness and White identity have also been explained as a set of social relations in which Whites occupy powerful positions (consciously or not) by virtue of their White identity. Consequently, "Whiteness is based on an ideology where White supremacy operates as a given, in which many of those who are White may not necessarily recognise or even acknowledge its existence" (Bhopal 2018, p. 21) . Leonardo (2009) , however, argues that we cannot examine White privilege without first analyzing how White supremacy or White domination works. While White groups benefit from racism in different ways, "Whites as a racial group secure supremacy in almost all facets of social life" (Leonardo 2009, p. 78) through what Feagin (2001) calls a White "racial frame" from which White superiority is used to make sense of the world. This racial frame includes "a broad and persisting set of racial stereotypes, prejudices, conceptual ideologies, interlinked interpretations and narratives and visual images. It also includes racialized emotions and racialized reactions to language, accents and imbeds inclinations to discriminate" (Feagin 2020, p. 5; original emphasis). The White racial frame is used by White groups to define, interpret, and behave in specific ways that pertain to their Whiteness. It enables them to be White.

Historically examples of how White privilege has manifested through racism include discriminatory laws and overt segregation in the labor market. For example, through residential segregation in White suburbs, policy making worked to exclude Black groups from being able to buy housing to maintain property prices which reinforced housing segregation (Cashin 2004 , Gotham 2000 , Massey & Denton 1993 , Oliver & Shapiro 1995) . Such zoning laws have been used to discriminate against people of color (Trounstine 2020) . Other examples include education, as exemplified in the Brown v. Board of Education case in which segregated schooling continued (Delgado & Stefancic 2000 , Tate 1997 ), and racial disparities in wealth (Denton 2001 ) and the labor market (Browne & Misra 2003) .

Discrimination at all levels of society continues because White groups actively participate in its perpetuation. Such systemic racism includes discriminatory and oppressive White practices that have perpetuated a racial hierarchy in which the dominant White racial frame exists to "rationalize and insure white privilege and dominance over Americans of color" (Feagin 2020, p. 4). Racism is normalized, and the White racial frame is used to reinforce and maintain the racial hierarchy, from which White groups continually gain material and psychological benefits and privileges. Feagin's (2020) White racial framing is important because it enables an analysis of the workings of White privilege to explore how the White racial frame is used as the normative lens from which White supremacy operates. The White racial frame is used to obscure racial inequalities and allows Whites to justify their own White privilege through the continued justification of their superiority and the inferiority of people of color.

Whiteness and White privilege are constructed in culture and ideology to marginalize and position the experiences of people of color as "other." White groups develop a White standpoint, a framework from which they view the world and from which they gain automatic benefits and privileges. Through this White standpoint, there exist "normative assumptions of whiteness that remain unspoken and often in the background, but which profoundly shape white attitudes and beliefs about racial others" (Bell 2002, p. 238; my emphasis) . Through this White normative framework, White privilege is used as a protective barrier that shields White groups from racial oppression and enables them to oppress people of color. This process is used to maintain racial hierarchical structures that reinforce White hegemonic practices and create the (White) spaces in which this hegemony is legitimized. White groups are able dominate in these spaces because they are designed to systematically separate the "us" (Whites) from the "them" (people of color). In retrospect, the Jim Crow-era forms of segregation of space on racial lines often appeared ripe for abolition because of their banality (e.g., determining who sits on a bus seat based on skin color).

Much more insidious are White spaces that are not neatly framed by a sign stating "Whites only" or by legislation determining that school children can be segregated according to their race. Instead, these are spaces in which the privileging of White identities is not overtly stated but is assumed and understood as the norm. People of color must always work to prove they are worthy of belonging to space that is automatically reserved for White groups because "while white people usually avoid black space, black people are required to navigate the white space as a condition of their existence" (Anderson 2015, p. 11) . White groups have the power to practice Whiteness. They can use it to their advantage, either through the use of racism and microaggressions to assert their Whiteness or through the individual choices they make to reinforce their privilege (such as where they live, where they work, and where they send their children to school) (Delgado & Stefancic 2001, p. 151) .

WHITENESS AS PROPERTY AND INTEREST CONVERGENCE

A key means to understanding White privilege is through identifying Whiteness as a property that has a specific value within the White space and can only be acquired by White groups. Whiteness is not a property that can be acquired or owned by non-Whites-though, as discussed, Whiteness itself is a socially constructed category, so the potential remains for non-White identities to be reimagined as White (and, in the same fashion, for a White identity to be reconstructed as non-White). Whiteness as property works within "the legal legitimation of expectations of power and control that enshrine the status quo as a neutral baseline, while masking the maintenance of white privilege and domination" (Harris 1993 (Harris , p. 1751)) . Whiteness takes on the same role as property, because "the law has accorded 'holders' of whiteness the same privileges and benefits accorded holders of other types of 'property'" (Harris 1993 (Harris , p. 1731)) . Similarly, Monk (2013) explores how phenotypic characteristics such as skin tone and hair ("bodily capital") are used as major factors of stratification for Black Americans that affect educational attainment, household income, and occupational status.

Harris's argument works from the premise that Whiteness has been constructed in order for White groups to have an entitlement to control and rule people of color, and within this process, they benefit from their Whiteness by securing privileges from their status, resources, and political power. The property they occupy will always be the possession of White groups, "because it was solely through being white that property could be acquired and secured under law. Only whites possessed whiteness, a highly valued and exclusive form of property" (Harris 1993 (Harris , p. 1725;; my emphasis) . Whiteness as property is constructed as a form of power that gives White groups specific entitlements due to their White identity. It allows them to secure specific dominance over subordinate people of color in all arenas through social status, political power, and material resources. It explicitly manifests through the unequal treatment of people of color. Through such power relations the White race is socially constructed as one that holds greater power over the subordinate race-the position occupied by people of color.

Interest convergence is an important concept that has been used in CRT to understand policy making, such as affirmative action and the Brown v. Board of Education case on school segregation. Bell states, "The interest of blacks in achieving racial equality will be accommodated only when that interest converges with the interests of whites in policymaking positions. This convergence is far more important for gaining relief than the degree of harm suffered by blacks or the character of proof offered to prove that harm" (Bell 2004, p. 69; my emphasis) . Interest convergence takes place when White groups are only willing to engage in racial equality when it benefits them more; "even when the interest-convergence results in an effective remedy, that remedy will be abrogated at the point that policy makers fear the remedial policy is threatening the superior status of whites" (Bell 2004, p. 69) .

When White groups feel that their White privilege is under threat, such advances in policy making are used to showcase inclusion and racial justice, rather than to make any significant changes to address racial injustice. An additional concept introduced by Bell is that of contradiction-closure. Contradiction-closure cases are landmark cases that have made a significant impact in changing policy, but such cases only "serve as a shield against excesses in the exercise of white power, yet they bring no real change in the status of blacks" (Bell 1980, p. 73) . In reality, policy making gives the illusion that racial inequalities have been addressed, but racism continues with such policies having little or no effect.

UNDERSTANDING AND CONTESTING WHITE PRIVILEGE

Through Whiteness and White identity, White privilege works as a mode of supremacy. White groups set the rules and standards in society, from which all "others"-minorities and people of color-must adhere to (Hart 2001 , Taylor 2008 , Wildman 2000) . This White hegemonic representation of the world matters because it is "more than just another way to view the world-it claims to be the only legitimate way to view the world" (Ladson-Billings 2000, p. 258). McIntosh's (1992) seminal work outlined the taken-for-granted privileges associated with Whiteness and White privilege. Examining the parallels between male privilege and White privilege, and arguing that White privilege was more a psychological and less a structural issue, she states that White privilege is "an invisible package of unearned assets that I can count on cashing in each day, but about which I was 'meant' to remain oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, assurances, tools, maps, guides, codebooks, passports, visas, clothes, compass, emergency gear and blank checks" (McIntosh 1992, p. 72) .

McIntosh discusses how, as a White person, she was brought up to ignore her privilege and take it for granted. Her perspective was the normative worldview in which "Whites are carefully taught not to recognize white privilege" which from the very beginning is entrenched as the hegemonic framework: "My schooling gave me no training in seeing myself as an oppressor, or as an unfairly advantaged person, or as a participant in a damaged culture. I was taught to see myself as an individual whose moral state depended on her individual moral will" (McIntosh 1992, p. 77) . She goes on to describe how such privileges were a given, something she was born with by dint of her White identity: "I see a pattern running through the matrix of white privilege, a pattern of assumptions that were passed on to me as a white person. There was one main piece of cultural turf; it was my own cultural turf, and I was among those who could control the turf" (McIntosh 1992, p. 81) .

McIntosh lists examples of her White privilege that provide her with unearned privileges in her day-to-day life, such as shopping alone without being harassed, buying or renting property, never having to speak up for her racial group, being able to protect her children from those who may not like them, and not attending meetings where she was the only person from her racial group, because "Whiteness protected me from many kinds of hostility, distress and violence, which I was being subtly trained to visit in turn, upon people of color" (McIntosh 2001, p. 55 ). McIntosh's essay sparked a renewed interest in understanding White privilege and the manifestation of that privilege. The understanding of White privilege as a psychological condition has shifted to understanding its collective structural and institutional manifestations in the everyday lives of people of color.

McIntosh's analysis of White privilege allows us to understand the ways in which automatic privileges form Whiteness and White identity. While there is an acknowledgment of the presence and existence of White privilege by McIntosh, the privileges are seen as being automatically possessed by individuals, without a recognition of individual agency from which White groups benefit. White privilege is done to the person, rather than being something White groups consciously invest in for their own gains. To take McIntosh's work further, there is a need to explore the role of individual responsibility and agency in the performance of White privilege and the benefits that White groups gain from their White privilege. The examples of White privilege testify to the taken-forgranted everyday privileges that White groups can enjoy without even thinking about them.

Such unearned privileges are based on the rights of unquestioned entitlement White groups possess by virtue of their Whiteness. The refusal of White groups to acknowledge their White privilege and how it works to oppress people of color are examples of how "such discourses rearticulate the privilege that whites already enjoy when they are able to evade confronting white supremacy" (Leonardo 2009, p. 89) . White groups themselves are the main beneficiaries and subjects of White privilege because it benefits and privileges them. Critics of White privilege argue that an acknowledgment of White privilege must also include an acknowledgment of racism and how White groups are implicit in perpetuating racism (Lund 2022 , McCann 2007 , Turner & Myers 2000 , Wildman 2000) . Many White groups, for example, do not see themselves as implicated in perpetuating White privilege and racism. For example, McIntosh did not see herself as racist, saying that "I was taught to recognize racism only in individual acts of meanness by members of my own group, never in invisible systems conferring unsought racial dominance on my group through birth" (McIntosh 2001, p. 58) .

The ability to see individual acts of explicit racism as solely the responsibility of racist individuals is a key means by which responsibility for racism more generally is shifted away from White groups collectively. It allows the collective benefits of Whiteness to remain invisible while also denying collective White responsibility for racism. By doing so, individual Whites within the collective White group are effectively absolved from responsibility for the injustices associated with White privilege (unless they engage in overt and explicitly frowned upon behaviors). Ironically, an individual racist who openly promotes White supremacist views is one means by which White privilege is perpetuated because those individuals are signaled as the only problem.

Consequently, White groups are able to define good and bad, success and failure, based on White norms and standards. White groups are able to attribute their success to the result of hard work, rather than being related to their White privilege (Hart 2001 , Taylor 2008 , Wildman 2000) . White groups do not have to think about their racial identity in a society that privileges Whiteness, they only have to think about it if they are forced to do so (for example, during the #BlackLivesMatter protests). At such moments in time, White individuals excuse their own complicity by effectively protesting the most extreme and offensive acts of White supremacy; in effect, the White engagement in such protest is another example of interest convergence. By calling out the actions of a White supremacist police officer, the wider interests of all Whites are protected.

McIntosh's analysis of White privilege does not consider the unconscious actions and traits of privileged experiences, and how privilege is part and parcel of Whiteness and White identity-that is to say, it is part of who White people are. Privilege is not just about having benefits-it is also part of individual personalities, perspectives, and presentations. Rich (1979, p. 299) refers to this as "white solipsism," in which Whites "speak, imagine and think as if whiteness described the world," whereas others refer to the "privileged effect" where White groups focus on their own need to feel good, rather than the need to fight racial injustice (McIntyre 1997) . Ahmed (2007) goes further and argues that Whiteness is based on White people always wanting to recenter Whiteness, often without realizing they are doing so. However, the danger is that centering Whiteness is itself a process that reinforces White supremacy and White privilege and, by doing so, ignores the voices of the oppressed. Apple (1998, p. xi) reminds us that "we must be on our guard to ensure that a focus on whiteness doesn't become one more excuse to recenter dominant voices and to ignore the voices and testimony of those groups of people whose dreams, hopes, lives and very bodies are shattered by current relations of exploitation and domination." Wildman (2005) has argued that the systemic nature of White privilege beyond the individual identifies ways in which White privilege continues: Whiteness operates within a comfort zone in which Whiteness is seen as normal, Whites use mechanisms in which Whiteness is made central, and White privilege is invisible because it does not acknowledge its own privilege or the material and sociocultural ways in which it is protected (Flagg 2005). Institutional and cultural practices work to ensure that Whites continue to benefit from their privileges (Bartky 2002) . Applebaum (2008) suggests that Whites are able to benefit through their complicity and, in turn, identifies a systemic White ignorance as a form of privilege. Furthermore, to understand how Whites benefit from White privilege and how they are complicit in perpetuating it, it is important to evidence not just how they benefit from it individually, but also how they benefit collectively through institutional and structural systems of oppression.

Some have argued that White privilege is an inadequate term because it does not explain structures of racial inequality in different areas (such as health, education, or wealth), it fails to recognize differences within racial groups, and it does not appreciate how White groups can contribute to the causes of racial injustice to make meaningful differences (Blum 2008) . The concept that all White people (even the poor ones) benefit from their Whiteness has been challenged; Bridges (2019) , for example, argues that if poor people are disadvantaged in the same ways as people of color, which aligns them in the same social positions, then they may not benefit from their White privilege. Sullivan (2017) suggests that it may be more relevant to discuss class differences when analyzing White privilege and reposition the term as White class privilege or affluent White people's privilege. She argues that the concept assumes that all White people benefit from racial advantages in the same way and fails to account for differences based on class, gender, and ethnicity. By ignoring class differences, the concept of White privilege potentially fails to account for the ways in which middle-and upper-class White groups portray the normative identity of Whiteness. Sullivan suggests that the concept ignores the fact that middle-class people of color are in better positions compared with poor Whites. Therefore, she argues, White privilege may in fact be class privilege because class privilege crosses racial lines.

While the White working class remain beneficiaries of their Whiteness, they are, at the same time, disadvantaged through capitalist oppression (Roediger 1994) . Poor White, working-class groups occupy a contradictory relationship to their Whiteness. On the one hand, they benefit from their Whiteness, yet on the other hand, they are exploited by capitalists and experience poverty (Roediger 1994) . At the same time, Black working-class groups experience disadvantages based on their class identity (just like the White working class), but in addition, they experience racism because of their racial identity. Flagg (2005, p. 2) discusses the concept of "metaprivilege," which she describes as "the ability of Whiteness to define the conceptual terrain on which race is constructed, deployed and interrogated. Whiteness sets the terms on which racial identity is constructed. Whiteness generates a distinct cultural narrative, controls the racial distribution of opportunities and resources, and frames the ways in which that distribution is interpreted. Finally, Whiteness holds sway over the very terms in which its own ascendancy is understood and might be challenged." The metaprivileges of Whiteness reinforce and strengthen White privilege. The first metaprivilege of Whiteness is its ability to control the social construction of racial identity in having the authority and power to define who is White and to delineate boundaries of non-White racial identities. Whiteness defines who is White and who is not White. A second metaprivilege of Whiteness is based upon defining how resources are allocated, and this can take place through testing in schools that reproduces racial inequalities and reflects racial biases. Whiteness is considered normal and so does not recognize its own privilege or, indeed, the material and sociocultural mechanisms through which that Whiteness is always protected (Flagg 2005). Flagg's analysis emphasizes how a defining feature of Whiteness lies in the ability of White groups not to think of themselves in racial terms, which allows them to perpetuate their privilege. So to be White is an assumed identity. White groups do not have to think about their Whiteness because their Whiteness is taken for granted and assumed by themselves and others.

White privilege, then, is a mode of social construction; it is created as a standpoint, and it is socially constructed and used as a form of power to view and control the world. Through this social construction, White groups are able to use their White privilege to dominate and oppress people of color through individual acts of racism and through legislation manifested in policy making through structures and institutions. For example, Gillborn (2005, p. 499) argues that policy making in education works to perpetuate White supremacy and White privilege in which "the patterning of racial advantage and inequity is structured in domination and its continuation represents a form of tacit intentionality on the part of white powerholders and policy-makers." So, policy and practice work to ensure that White interests and White privilege are protected at all costs; policy making may superficially suggest advances in racial equality, but in reality, nothing changes.

WHITENESS, WHITE PRIVILEGE, AND EDUCATION

The concept of White privilege has specifically been used to critically analyze processes of racism in educational spaces (Apple 1998 , Leonardo 2009) , with some arguing for a critical pedagogy of Whiteness (Giroux 1997b , Kincheloe & Steinberg 1998 , Marx & Pennington 2010) . Critical Whiteness studies has been used significantly in the field of education to challenge the structures that reproduce White supremacy and White privilege (Allen 2002; Apple 1998; DiAngelo 2006; Gillborn 2005 Gillborn , 2008;; Giroux 1997a,b,c; Kincheloe & Steinberg 1998; Lee 2005; Leonardo 2009; McLaren 1995 McLaren , 1997;; McIntyre 1997; Sheets 2000; Sleeter 1995 Sleeter , 1996)) . Critical Whiteness pedagogy aims to deconstruct, challenge, and transform Whiteness (Kincheloe & Steinberg 1998) .

In analyzing racial inequalities in education, scholars have examined how racism works to exclude students of color (Harper & Davis 2012) and how majority White groups deny the existence of racism in which Whiteness is normalized (through behaviors and actions) (Bonilla-Silva 2001 , Cabrera 2014 , Feagin & O'Brien 2003 , Leonardo 2004 , 2009) . Others suggest that the communication of Whiteness is hidden in a color-blind ideology (Bonilla-Silva 2001 , Hytten & Adkins 2001) . Furthermore, the processes of how Whiteness operates in education work as a mechanism to reinforce and perpetuate racial hierarchies (Bonilla-Silva & Forman 2000 , Gusa 2010 , Sue et al. 2009 ) in which the hegemonic structuring of Whiteness ensures that racial power relations perpetuate and reinforce the superior position of White groups (Cabrera 2012 , Chesler et al. 2003 , Doane & Bonilla-Silva 2003) .

Some have explored how a pedagogy of Whiteness can be used to explore how White identity is a social construct and how students can decenter Whiteness (Kincheloe & Steinberg 1998) , whereas others have examined how educators can critique and problematize Whiteness to transform White institutions to reflect diversity (Hytten & Adkins 2001) and how teacher educators have addressed the concept of White privilege in relation to training White teachers in urban schools (Bennett et al. 2019) . Leonardo discussed how White privilege was an everyday reality in educational studies in which McIntosh enabled "educators to understand the taken for granted daily aspects of white privilege; from the convenience of matching one's skin color with bandages, to opening up a textbook to discover one's racial identity affirmed in history, literature and civilization in general" (Leonardo 2004, p. 137) . But to analyze White privilege, one has to examine White supremacy-otherwise, White groups can rely on the notion that White privilege is in the unconscious, which lets White groups off the hook from taking responsibility for their White privilege.

Education is a key social space in which White privilege and White supremacy work for White investment:

To the extent that racial supremacy is taught to white students, it is pedagogical. Insofar as it is pedagogical, there is the possibility of critically reflecting on its flows in order to disrupt them. The hidden curriculum of whiteness saturates everyday school life and one of the first steps to articulating its features is coming to terms with specific modes of discourse. (Leonardo 2009, p. 83) White educators invest in Whiteness through school curricula, which work through a system of color-blind strategies used to maintain the White supremacy from which Whites benefit.

120 Bhopal Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2023.49:111-128. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by University of Birmingham on 08/14/23. See copyright for approved use.

Accounts of individual White habitus often suggest it operates in covert or unconscious ways (Bonilla-Silva et al. 2006 , Mueller 2017) to orientate rather direct racist behaviors; however, Myers (2022) suggests that a changing template of educational economies, shaped by neoliberal policy, shifts risk from institutions to individuals, which results in Whites collectively pursuing racist strategies to protect their own White interests. In the following sections, I examine how White privilege works through the social construction of White knowledge, which is translated as White excellence. I suggest that through this process, the communication of knowledge is used to reinforce the superior position of Whites, which is intentional "business as usual" (Delgado & Stefancic 2012, p. 8) .

WHITE KNOWLEDGE, WHITE EXCELLENCE

The White space of higher education is dominated by White groups who have the power to define what is understood to be legitimate knowledge. White knowledge is knowledge that is privileged because it is produced by Whites and reflects their interests. In higher education, the production of knowledge that normalizes White privilege is an ongoing project and a key purpose of the university. Scholars of color are often positioned as outsiders in higher education, and a White normative discourse is used to devalue their production of knowledge (Bhopal 2020) . This is unsurprising given that "knowledge" is rarely defined in purely empirical terms.

Knowledge production is often subject to forms of translation within public discourse in which the meaning of knowledge is negotiated around the interests of those producing, overseeing, and consuming the value of the knowledge itself (Latour 1999 , Myers 2020) . Such translation promotes and legitimizes knowledge that is beneficial to Whites. Consequently, even the "hard" scientific knowledge of the relationship between gene research and public understandings of race is itself embedded in the nonscientific, social construction of race. By doing so, contemporary genetics research often adopts or reimagines historically discredited racist arguments drawn from eugenics and race science (Gillborn 2016 , Hartigan 2008 , Myers 2020) . This discriminates against scholars of color on multiple levels, and it also legitimizes racism within wider society.

A form of "epistemological racism" ensures that scholarship by people of color remains on the margins, particularly when focusing on issues of race (Bhopal 2016 , Kubota 2020) . Within the White space of the university, their research is seen as being "illegitimate, biased or overly subjective" (Delgado Bernal & Villalpando 2010, p. 171) and is not given the same respect or status as research conducted by White scholars. White authors, then, receive much greater accolades and recognition for their work, even when they are replicating the same arguments made by scholars of color (Bell 1992) . A specific function of White knowledge in education is to deny the existence of racism; at the most basic level, "Whites' unspoken knowledge works as a barrier to antiracist education because it denies the reality of racism and it maintains the invisibility of Whiteness as a racial identity" (Hunter 2002 , quoted in Leonardo 2009, p. 257) .

In his seminal text Faces at the Bottom of the Well: The Permanence of Racism, Bell (1992) outlines the five rules of racial standing. The first rule states, "no matter their experience or expertise, blacks' statements involving race are deemed 'special pleading' and thus not entitled to serious consideration" (Bell 1992, p. 111) . The second rule states, "not only are blacks' complaints discounted, but black victims of racism are less effective witnesses than are whites, who are members of the oppressor class. This phenomenon reflects a widespread assumption that blacks, unlike whites, cannot be objective on racial issues and will favor their own, no matter what" (Bell 1992, p. 113; my emphasis) . From these rules, we can ascertain that who delivers the message determines how much value is placed on that message.

This reality is reflected in how the communication of knowledge is used to perpetuate and reinforce the superior position of White scholars in higher education. Bell reminds us that the value attributed to messages of racism is often dependent on who is delivering the message. Consequently, when Black groups criticize White groups, they "produce cultural criticism in the context of white supremacy. . .the first people we must always be addressing are privileged white readers" (Bell 1992, p. 114) . In this sense, such messages of racism and equity are rarely taken seriously, because regardless of their expertise, the scholarship of Black groups will always be seen as secondary to that of Whites. Leonardo (2009, p. 114) suggests that "White racial knowledge is comprised of a constellation of metaphors used to define Whites' sense of self and group in opposition to a denigrated other: in this case blacks." Consequently, White racial knowledge becomes a particular way of knowing and being for White groups (Roediger 1991) , which is used in opposition to being a person of color. In higher education the presence of scholars of color in the White space of the academy challenges the normativity of Whiteness and places "intellectual spaces as epicenters of White property, in jeopardy of being corrupted and in need of protection," in which White academics "preserve their workspaces as enclaves of White privilege by attaching merit and accolades to scholarship that reflects their sanctioned behaviors, intellectual traditions and ideological frameworks" (Bhopal & Chapman 2019, p. 105; my emphasis) . In this sense, higher education institutions sell themselves through a rhetoric of "White excellence" in which White normative practices work for the benefit of White students and staff.

WHAT ABOUT US?

The social construction of White privilege often becomes visible when White scholars are presented with research that documents racism. A discourse of denial emerges in which the first question is an almost inevitable, "but how do you know it is racism?" and the second is, "yes, but how do you really know it is racism?" What is striking about this particular response is that it is not mirrored when White scholars are faced by research that identifies inequalities faced by both Whites and people of color. Research evidencing gender or class inequalities does not provoke repeated requests to prove the existence of the inequality or to face claims that the researcher is exaggerating (Bhopal 2016 (Bhopal , 2018 (Bhopal , 2020)) .

This discourse of denial is premised on the belief that White experiences are more worthy and valid than those of people of color. Preston & Bhopal (2012, p. 214) argue that, like Lieutenant Columbo (in the television series), who always returns to the suspect to ask, 'one more thing,' the productivity but also the obsessive nature of intersectionality is that this return is always made. When speaking about 'race' in education, many of us have been faced with the question, 'What about class/gender/sexuality/disability/faith?' whereas rarely are speakers on these topics asked, 'What about race'? A focus on 'race' in analysis is indicative for some academics, as a sign of pathology or suspicion.

The "what about us" question is always used to recenter Whiteness in relation to gender or class or any form of inequality that Whites have a vested interest in addressing. The decentering of race in higher education works to remind people of color that their place is secondary. As Bell (1992) argues, addressing racism is a form of "special pleading" and a discussion on race is not entitled to special consideration.

What about us-ness also takes place through equality, diversity, and inclusion policies in higher education; as such, gender and race inequalities become conflated, with gender always given a primary focus. Gender is justified as a more universal, more deserving, and institutionally necessary inequality concern compared with race. This catch-all approach to addressing inequalities works to silence and dismiss structural, institutional, and individual racism and perpetuate White privilege.

There is a perception that gender is a universal priority, and race is only a priority where racial diversity already exists. Consequently, higher education institutions should only address racism if their institutions are racially diverse. This perspective works from the premise that academic spaces are White-only spaces that should be more diverse when they are already diverse (Bhopal 2018 , Bhopal & Henderson 2019 , Bhopal & Myers 2023) .

Policy making in higher education provides a smokescreen of conformity and is used to enhance the reputation of higher education institutions, rather than to address racial inequalities. Through this system of interest convergence, policy making is enacted through a deep-rooted and overarching system of White privilege (Bhopal & Pitkin 2020) . Policy making identifies racism as a problem, but the enactment of the policy does not result in any identifiable solutions; as Gillborn (2008, p. 63 ) has argued, "education is an act of White supremacy. . .policy assumes and defends White supremacy through the priorities it sets, the beneficiaries it privileges and the outcomes that it produces."

CONCLUSIONS

In this article I have argued that in order to analyze how White groups use their Whiteness, it is crucial to recenter race but, at the same time, to be aware of the impact of racism within that process. In attempts to analyze Whiteness and White privilege, this can only be considered in relation to the fundamental principles of CRT. CRT centers racism as an endemic aspect of society that works because of, rather than despite the existence of, White privilege. I suggest that White privilege can only be understood as a system of oppression if it is understood as part of a system that perpetuates racism. White groups have learned for centuries to internalize their own White privilege, but this has only taken place because of their oppressive and dominant relationships with people of color.

Centering racism enables us to examine how White privilege has continued to perpetuate a White racial hierarchy within a White hegemonic normative framework. I argue that the existence of Whiteness is based on the existence of racial stratification. This system of stratification reinforces White groups in superior positions of power. White privilege is perpetuated through this dominant White ideology. Consequently, White groups benefit from their White privilege and from racism, and as such, they always possess a degree of power, by virtue of their Whiteness. During their lifetimes, they accrue certain desirable attributes of Whiteness and White privilege (such as property, wealth, and social positioning), which will always (regardless of their class) position them higher up the social hierarchy compared with people of color. Intersections of different identities impact and position White groups (such as the White working class), but the centrality of Whiteness ensures that all White groups benefit from their Whiteness through racism-whether they like it or not.

In this article I have argued that White privilege works as a mode of social construction. Whiteness is created as a standpoint through White privilege is translated. This takes place through institutional and structural processes. The individual enactment of White privilege is allowed to take place through the institutions and structures that deliberately work to perpetuate a system of White supremacy. In higher education, White knowledge, defined by Whites, is translated into White excellence, in which the scholarship of academics of color remains on the margins. Through this process of White privilege, higher education is a space reserved for Whites, in which worthy (and unworthy) knowledge is defined through racial processes. In addition, through equality, diversity, and inclusion policies, higher education institutions are able to perform inclusion without committing to real change.

Normative White privilege is institutionalized as part of a performance so that the policies exist purely for the benefit of White interests and White groups. Instead, it is used as a rhetoric for instigating change but reinforces already-existing racial inequalities. Through a process of interest convergence, higher education institutions invest in such policy because it benefits them and their public image. In this context, equality, diversity, and inclusion work is used to maintain rather than dismantle the status quo so that White groups continue to occupy positions of power to perpetuate White privilege and uphold a system of White supremacy. In order to understand the concept of White privilege, there must be a recognition and acknowledgment that all White groups (regardless of the class background) are able to perform Whiteness in their everyday lives as a form of privilege; White groups must continue to accept that White privilege is socially constructed through laws, institutions, and structures that work to uphold a system of White racial hegemony.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

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