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Extracted abstract

Informal caregiving of older adults constitutes a major welfare issue in Sweden. Given the news media's role in influencing public understandings, policies and social work practice, the aim of this study was to examine the news media representations of informal caregiving of older adults. The empirical material consists of news media articles published over the years 1996-2022 in Swedish newspapers. After analysis of 111 newspaper articles, four themes emerged: Nostalgia, cutbacks and loss of welfare state ideals and its impact on family caregiving, within which a universal welfare state was represented as a lost period. In the theme Informal caregiving as a trap for women working class women were seen as victims and forced to be informal caregivers. The current lack of support and its consequences were addressed in Informal caregivers need for support. When criticizing the cutbacks of the welfare state, contributions of informal caregivers were acknowledged in the theme Informal caregivers as "lifelines" and "saviors" of the welfare state. There was a near-complete a bsence of the voices of the older adults within the news articles analyzed. A noteworthy finding given that older adults are directly affected by how informal caregiving is being discussed in the news media.

The Swedish society is, like many other post-industrial welfare states, characterized by an ageing population, where the proportion of older adults who live longer lives has increased dramatically o ver the past decades (United Nations 2020). This is a success for societies and improves the quality of life as many older adults have more healthy years, but for many, this results in more years of illness and dependency. Meanwhile, the increasing proportion of older adults creates pressure to improve the efficiency of public resource use in combin ation with increases of marketization, privatization and involvement of informal care (Rostgaard and Szebehely 2012) . Currently, neither financial resources nor personnel cover the existing care needs of older adults, which means that informal caregivers is an important part of eldercare in Sweden today (Jegermalm and Sundström 2014; Jegermalm and Torgé 2023; Rostgaard et al. 2022) . In Sweden, studies have over time reported high levels of informal caregiving (Jeppsson Grassman 1993) , with a significant portion of this care being directed t owards older adults (National Board of Health and Welfare 2020). Both men and women participate in caregiving, and while the overall level of caregiving has increased over time, the gender balance has remained relatively stable over time (Wallroth & Jegermalm, 2025) .

It is estimated that the annual economic value of informal caregiving in Sweden is 152 billion SEK (around 15 billion USD), primarily due to lost income (Ekman et al . 2021 (Ekman et al . , 2022)) . Moreover, replacing informal care with professional care would incur even higher costs, estimated at 194 billion SEK (around 19 billion USD). These findings underscore the substantial economic contribution of informal caregivers to the Swedis h social care system.

The interplay between informal and formal caregiving is not unique to Sweden. Research indicates a notable divergence across regions. Nordic countries typically exhibit a higher prevalence of informal caregivers, but these caregivers tend to provide less intensive long-term care. Conversely, Southern, Eastern, and Anglo-Saxon nations generally demonstrate a lower overall number of informal caregivers, yet those who do provide ca re often undertake more demanding, long-term responsibilities (Verbakel 2018) . This phenomenon can be explained by the relationship between the generosity of formal care systems and the nature of informal care. More generous formal care correlates with a greater number of informal caregivers, albeit with less intensive long-term involvement. In contrast, less generous formal care systems lead to a reduction in the total number of informal caregivers, but those who do provide informal care do so mo re extensively and for a longer duration, hence providing more intensive long-term care (Verbakel 2018 ). Thus, it is crucial to note that a reduction in formal care does not automatically lead to a corresponding increase in informal care. Indeed, a "many do a little" system may prove more sustainable than a "few do a lot" approach (Verbakel 2018) . Wieczorek et al . (2022) highlights cost containment and older adults' preferences as key drivers for informal care globally. Encouraging informal care is often viewed as a way to control costs amid ageing populations, although its societal cost-effectiveness is debated (Krabbe-Alkemade et al. 2020; Spasova et al . 2018) . A growing body of research suggests that caregiving can significantly impact employment and well-being (Bainbridge and Broady 2017) . For instance, caregiving responsibilities may influence retirement decisions or feelings of stress and income levels. While informal caregiving can pose challenges, research suggests that a positive work-life balance can mitigate negative impa ct and even enhance well-being (Brown and Brown 2014; Poulin et al. 2010) .

The media plays a key role in shaping societal perceptions of welfare issues and influencing policy decisions (Yanovitsky 2002) . The link, however, is not always straightforward, as external societal forces influence both the media and policies. Furthermore, Yanovitsky (2002) argues that there is an important difference between media effects on policy attention and policy action, that is, actual implementation of policies and legislative changes. After having analyzed changes o ver time in depictions of welfare dependency in magazines, Misra, Moller, and Karides (2003) found that public opinion was, in general, positive towards more social welfare programs, which is in contrast to general views of Americans as negative towards public expenditures aimed at those in need. Moreover, they found a distinct relation between historical events and media constructs, where the economy on a societal level and changes in demography influenced how wel fare programs were constructed in the media (Misra, Moller, and Karides 2003) . Furthermore, the news media serves to construct welfare issues (Misra, Moller, and Karides 2003) that are in the borderline between the pr ivate and the public (Conrad 1997) . Overall, societal perceptions, public opinion, and policies rely much on how the media portray an issue, where those issues with the most coverage are c onsidered to be the most important issues of the day (McCombs and Guo 2014) .

As informal caregiving of older adults constitutes a major welfare issue today, and, given the news media's role in influencing public understandings, policies, and social work practice, it is important to examine how informal caregiving of older adults is represented in the news media. Consequently, drawing on social problems theories, our aim is to examine the news media's portrayal of informal caregiving of older adults.

BACKGROUND: CONCEPTUAL AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK

Within the caregiving literature, a key distinction is drawn between formal and informal care. Formal care refers to paid services provided by healthcare institutions or individual professionals to meet an older person's needs. Informal care, on the other hand, refers to unpaid support provided by fami ly, next of kins, friends, and neighbors (Li and Song 2019) . The terms "informal care" and "family care" are sometimes used synonymously (see, for example , Ekwall, Sivberg, and Hallberg 2004; Tennstedt, Crawford, and McKinlay 1993) . While family care emphasizes family or kinship, informal care is by definition a broader term, which also includes friends and neighbors, that is, people outside the circle of next of kins .

Sweden's legal framework places the primary responsibility for eldercare on municipalities. This system was established with the Social Assistance Act of 1956, which ended the financial obligation of adult children towards their parents (Sundström 2002) . While adult children have no legal obligation to care for their aging parents, cohabiting partners and spouses do share certain responsibilities. The Cohabitation A ct (SFS 2003:376) and the Marriage Code (SFS 1987:230) outline mutual obligations within a household, but these responsibilities primarily pertain to shared living arrangements and finances, not personal care. Consequently, municipalities are responsible for conducting needs assessments and providing necessary care services to older adults who cannot independently manage their daily lives. Even though older adults should receive care through the municipality, next of kin help each other, and it is not uncommon for the municipality to do some care efforts while next of kin carr y out other tasks, meaning that the older person receives a combination of formal and informal care efforts (Jegermalm and Torgé 2023) .

TIMELINE OF CHANGES IN SWEDISH ELDERCARE

The Swedish eldercare system has undergone significant changes over the past decades. In the figure below, we present a timeline with key events of importance for the development of the Swedish eldercare, which, in turn, has implications for informal caregiving. In the s egment that follows, we will elaborate further on these developments. See Figure 1 .

Towards the end of the 1980s, there was a questioning of welfare state expenditures and its extensive bureaucracy, as the governance model known as New Public Management (NPM) saw a breakthrough in Sweden and internationally (Montin 2002) . NPM was a reform program that encouraged privatization, along with the importation of management and organizational forms from the private sector to the public sector. These new management methods began to spread during the 1990s in Sweden with promises of increased efficiency, better adaptation to demand, mor e control over budget development, and higher quality of services (Montin 2002) . In line with this transformation, in 1991 it became possible for private actors to provide services in eldercare. This market-oriented approach towards eldercare was further reinfor ced by the economic crisis in the early 1990s (Forsberg 1993) . NPM, paving the way for private providers and encouraging rationalization, also became a way for Swedish municipalities to manage the so-called Eldercare Reform [in Swedish: Ädelreformen], which came into force in 1992 (Bennich 2012) . This reform meant, among other things, that responsibility for housing for chronically ill older adults was transferred to municipalities, while specialized investigations, rehabilitation, and treatments remained within the county councils.

Between 1999 and 2001, the government-funded initiative "Relative 300" [in Swedish: Anhörig 300] was implemented, which led to the development of new models for supporting informal caregivers and care recipients while at the same time saving money (Sand 2005 (Sand , 2022)) .

In 2009, a revision to Sweden's Social Services Act (SFS 2001:453, Chapter 5, Section 10) significantly altered the municipality's responsibility towards informal caregivers of older adults. The previous wording, which stated that municipalities "should" offer support, was changed to "shall," making it a mandated obligation. This phrasing has been retained in the newly implemented Social Services Act (2025:400, Chapter 13, Section 9). However, the act does not specify the nature or type of support that must be provide d. Furthermore, the explicit mention of respite care as a specific form of support was removed. Edebalk (2022) describes this as a "magic trick of the highest degree," arguing that this omission can only be interpreted as an attempt to make respite care, a costly measure for municipalities, non-statutory. This leaves it up to individual municipalities to decide whether or not to offer this service. As a direct consequence, there is a wide disparity in the support and services provided to informal caregivers across different municipalities. The question of informal caregivers' right to support has been repeatedly debated at the national level through several different policy documents publi shed in recent years. In 2022, the government decided on Sweden's first national strategy for next of kin who care for, help, or support a loved one (Ministry of Social Affairs [in Swedish: Socialdepartementet] 2022). The overall starting point for the strategy is that informal caregivers' contributions and participation should always be voluntary.

METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH

In order to grasp the dynamics of the news media, we are inspired by social problems theories on how various actors within the public sphere contribute to construct certain notions of informal caregiving of older adults. Hilgartner and Bosk (1988) claim that there is an ongoing competition between social problems where there are numerous conditions which potentially cause harm, but only a few reach "celebrity" status and become recognized as problems in need of solutions (Hilgartner and Bosk 1988) .

How an issue is constructed and understood in society has an impact on how the issue at hand is dealt with, regarding how plans for organizing actions are formulated and what resourc es are allocated for solving the problem. Loseke (2003) argues that actors, defined as claim-makers, who strive to gain public attention for certain potentially harmful conditions, construct social problems with ambitions of persuading audiences that a condition is a social problem because it is widespread, causes harm, and can be reduced through human action. Furthermore, constructions of imagined identities, in this case the identity ascribed to informal caregivers of older adults, serve as the foundation for social policies (Weicht 2013) .

According t o Seale (2003) , a central part of mass media representations is to construct opposites with the purpose of creating drama, as dramatized contradictions and simplifications are necessary for the media to entertain their audiences (Seale 2003) . The news media is nevertheless a context where the perspectives and voices of journalists, governments, civil society, the industry and others meet and compete, resulting in various sources of knowledge being available and also blurring the lines between "expert" and "lay" knowledge (Hallin, Brandt, and Briggs 2013) . These theories and insights are of relevance to analyze how various claim-makers contribute to construct informal caregiving and responsibilities for causing and solving associated problems in specific ways, how different claimmakers participate in the news media and how the intersection between these different actors' perspectives influence how informal caregiving is represented in the news media. Methodologically, we draw on Charmaz's social constructionist version of grounded theory, which offers methodical guidance and maintains perspectives of reality as manifold and constructed (Charmaz 2014) . Although sharing Glaser and Strauss's perspectives on how comparative analysis leads to the emergence of new theories based on a dynamic process of analysis, Charmaz has revised these founding ideas of grounded theory, where constructionist grounded theory emphasizes critical and interpretive qualitative inquiry, with a focus on a reflexive research process in which taken-for-granted understandings are critically scrutinized (Charmaz 2017) . In relation to the current study, the news media is viewed as being in a position to construct taken-for-granted understandings of what kind of a problem informal caregiving is, and, in line with social problems theory, examining who is made responsible for causing problems related to this issue and who is designated as responsible for solving these problems .

Material

The empirical material of this study consists of articles published over the years 1996 to 2022 in Swedish newspapers. The motive for examining this period is based on the fact that issues relating to responsibilities for older adults' well-being, including the issue of family caregiving, received increased attention in the public debate in the 1990s, with a number of targeted initiatives to increase knowledge about the living conditions of older adults. The articles were collected using the Swedish words "anhörigomsorg" + "äldre," which translates to "family caregiving" + "older person" in the database Mediearkivet, which covers most of the Swedish newspapers and magazines. Articles that were duplicates, press releases, brief notices, and event information were excluded. Following the work of excluding articles, our material comprised 111 news articles which were downloaded and saved on both authors' computers. Regarding the geographical distribution area of the newspapers, the spread was 38 articles from local newspapers, 33 articles on regional level, and 40 articles on national level. Although the spread was nearly equal, the focus in the articles was mainly on the national level and with general implicit and explicit critique of the welfare state, which we will elaborate and discuss further in the Results and Discussion sections. When collecting the news media articles, we did not distinguish between types of articles, ty pes of newspapers or geographical distribution, since we consider that newspaper articles altogether contribute to construct certain understandings of the issue of informal caregiving of older adults.

Process of Analysis

After searching, identifying, and downloading articles from Swedish newspapers on the issue of informal caregiving of older adults, we proceeded to analyze the empirical material. In the first phase, we read all the articles thoroughly. After this first reading, we acquired an initial understanding of the article's content. In order to acquire a further overview and understanding of the material, we sorted the articles based on types of articles, as this gives insights on how the issue was written about. For example, if an issue is mainly discussed in debate articles, the focus may be on s hort and sensational phrasing and pointing out blame with less attention on nuances (Ågren 2017) , whereas reportages may give in-depth descriptions of an issue from different perspectives. Even in the case of in-depth articles, the issue of simplified portrayals and reducing complexities may occur, where also these kinds of articles allude to already dominating discourses and reproduce current notions of, in this case, informal caregiving of older adults (see Ågren and Cedersund 2020; Seale 2003) .

Thereafter, we engaged in what Charmaz (2014) describes as an initial coding, breaking down the text material line by line and thus establishing preliminary categories summarizing different key parts of the empirical material. Through this process, we identified preliminary categories by finding words, expressions, and concepts that recurrently occurred, but of equal interest was the search for deviating views. Inspired by Charmaz (2014) , we were open towards what we found in the data and engaged in close readings; we used simple labels of codes found, where we continuously compared data from the newspaper articles analyzed. Next, we moved on to what Charmaz (2014) defines as focused coding, where we refined the preliminary categories into distinctive themes. This was done by finding common elements in several codes, making it possible to merge these into larger dominating themes. This is, however, not a simple process, as variations and similarities to some extent were found even within themes, and that some phrases and terms transcended throughout the empirical material. To achieve further in-depth understandings, contextualize, and accomplish theoretical generalizability, we proceeded to relate the themes identified to theoretical concepts with which this study aligns. More specifically, we were theoretically guided towards understanding the news media as a social problems arena where different claim-makers present their perspective on informal caregiving of older adults with focus on causes and responsibilities, which, in turn, makes an in-depth analysis of words used to give this issue meaning necessary. Moreover, as a key aspect of critical media analysis, we have drawn attention to who was given a voice and in what ways different actors and individuals participate in newspaper articles on this issue. Lastly, as highlighted above, several theories on the role of the news media illustrate the ongoing interplay between lay and expert knowledge and its implications for how various issues are represented in the media and consequently understood in society today. This, in turn, has led us to examine to what extent this interplay was occurring. In the final stage of the analysis process, we asked the following questions: How is the issue of informal caregiving of older adults represented, i.e., what words and expressions are used to give this issue meaning? Who is designated responsible for causing problems associated with informal caregiving of older adults? Which voices and perspectives are given opportunities to participate in news media articles, and in what ways are different actors participating? Is there an interplay between the news media, organizations, research, and individuals? If so, what characterizes this interplay? Through these q uestions, our insights on the material expanded, and we were able to obtain further in-depth understandings which will be presented and discussed in the segments that follow.

Ethical Considerations When Using Newspaper Articles as Data

Using newspaper articles involves using secondary data. While we have not directly interacted with individuals, we find it important to acknowledge the ethical implications of using published materials. While newspaper articles often involve public figures and events, we acknowledged the privacy of individuals mentioned within the articles. We have anonymized or pseudonymized information on those persons who appear in newspapers solely in the role of a private person. Although once having agreed to appear in the public through news articles, these non-public persons have not agreed to be part of a scientific study. Politicians, managers, and researchers, however, are public figures whose participation in public spheres may also be subject to scientific scrutiny. Our analysis focuses on the broader media representations of informal caregiving, rather than the specific viewpoints or political agendas of individual actors. Hence, we have chosen not to present names of those appearing in the news articles, since we aim to direct the reader's attention to the overarching representations prevalent in news media cov erage. Thus, it is the positions and perspectives of those participating in the news articles that have been of interest, rather than the identities of the individuals themselves.

We have also acknowledged that newspaper articles may reflect inherent biases of the journalists, editors, and the publication itself. Thus, news articles may not always provide a complete or objective picture of events. They may focus on certain aspects while neglecting others, potentially leading to biased or incomplete interpretations. This is, in our view, nevertheless, a key part of media logic where certain issues gain attention and are addressed in certain ways in order to attract attention, which, in turn, influences how issues are represented in the media. Thus, we have not focused on finding "correct" or "incorrect" representations of informal caregiving; instead, we have analyzed how the articles represented the issue of informal caregiving. By carefully considering these ethical considerations, we ensured that our use of newspaper articles as data was responsible, ethical, and contributed meaningfully to our understanding of disc ourses of informal caregiving. Next, we present themes that were found after analysis of the empirical material consisting of 111 articles from the Swedish newspaper published between the years 1996 to 2022.

RESULTS

Nostalgia, Cutbacks, and Loss of Welfare State Ideals and Its Impact on Family Caregiving

A dominating theme in the newspaper articles analyzed was that cutbacks and deficiencies within the welfare state and eldercare has led to increased responsibilities for informal caregivers to care for their older family members in need of care. A report in Aftonbladet (2018-04-29) highlighted a dramatic decline in access to accommodation within eldercare. According to the author of the article, places in eldercare facilities have been cut in half over the past decade. This has led to a situation where half of those seeking admission to these facilities are rejected, leading to immense strain on informal caregivers. This rapid reduction generates significant cost savings for municipalities but at the expense of undermining the principle of informal caregiving being voluntary (Aftonbladet 2018-04-29). Västerbottens-Kuriren (2022-11-18) reported on an event organized by a pensioner organization (PRO) and Umeå Municipality's Eldercare Committee, which focused on the future of eldercare. The chair of the Eldercare Committee emphasized the growing challenge posed by an aging population, highlighting the potential shortage of staff in home care and nursing homes. She urged for a collaborative approach, emphasizing the importance of community involvement. Digitalization was presented as a solution, as the IT manager for Umeå Municipality showcased various digital tools, including medication robots, sensors, and electronic locks. These technologies, he explained, can optimize caregiving efforts and ensure that staff are deployed efficiently. Additionally, it was suggested that home care staff could shift their focus from tasks such as grocery shopping, which ca n be automated, to more personalized care (Västerbottens-Kuriren 2022-11-18) .

When referring to a scientific report, the author of an article in the newspaper Arbetarbladet, states that one in four places within eldercare facilities have disappeared and that the number of hospital beds was cut in half between the years 1995-2005. Thereafter, it is argued that the foundation of the Swedish society was based on the ideal of including all-as well as sick and old persons-where everybody has the right to be cared for and not to be dependent on their children and grandchildren. These are ideals which, according to the journalist who wrote the article, are not prevalent today. The conclusion of the article is that "the care of our old and sick" is the most important societal issue when it c omes to equality, justice. and the structure of society, but these values are forgotten today (Arbetarbladet 2014-01-08).

As the examples above highlight, a recurring problem was that cutbacks in the welfare sector and, more specifically, eldercare has placed more responsibility on informal caregivers. Notably, articles were both very concrete referring to numbers and statistics on the impact of eldercare cutbacks, but also more abstract when discussing the loss of the founding ideals of the welfare state. As we will display further on, cutbacks in eldercare and the loss of welf are ideals are issues that transcend the news articles analyzed.

Informal Caregiving as a Trap for Women

In several articles, informal caregiving is considered to be a trap for women as the heading "Daughters Pay for the Healthcare Crisis" (Dagens ETC 2016-03-31) implies. Another article on the same theme concludes that: "A new development is that the care provided by both daughters and sons has increased" (Aftonbladet 2015-11-02), but the subheading of that article is "Those who are most affected are women and their daughters." Some of the headings during this period were "The Issue of Equality and Class: Women Step In When Society Fails" (Dagens ETC 2015-07-21), "Women Carry a Heavy Load in Family Care" (TTELA 2017-03-29), "Having older Relatives Should Not Be a Woman's Trap" (Arbetarbladet 2017-10-07) and "Municipalities Let Old Women Perform Forced Labor" (Dagens ETC 2020-05-27). These articles delve into the issue of gender inequality and class disparities, focusing on how women often carry the burden of caregiving, especially when societal support systems are inadequate. The articles point to the ongoing challenges faced by women in balancing caregiving responsibilities with other aspects of their lives. They underscore the need for soc ietal change to promote gender equality and alleviate the burden of caregiving, particularly for women. In an article with the title "Many provide care for next of kins without compensation" (Dagens Nyheter 2018-02-20), a researcher states that men have increased their care responsibilities but that women provide the most care.

Under the headline "Being your mother's mother," a journalist argued that successive and stealthily austerity measures of the welfare state have led to older adults being placed "Straight into the daughter's lap," where women have the responsibility of taking care of their old mother (Arbetarbladet 2014-01-08). In another article, bearing the responsibility of informal caregiving is viewed as having pulled "the short straw in life" for women. The main argument is that there has been a shift in the responsibility for older adults with care needs, from being the concern of society to now being a matter for families, primarily women. This is illustrated in the followin g excerpt:

Because it is middle-aged women, the daughters of the working class, who get to leave work and care for their elderly parents. Shower, dress, feed, lift, medicate and care. (Aftonbladet 2012-12-13) What is apparent in these articles is how notions of gendered roles and responsibilities are alluded to and reproduced. In addition to portraying women as considerate, they are also positioned as victims who are forced to be the mother of their own mothers. Furthermore, there is a class component and hence a "double jeopardy" as women of the working class are portrayed as those who carry the burden of caregiving. It is, however, not made explicit why women dominate in conducting caregiving duties and why working-class women are particularly overrepresented .

Similar to articles within other themes, scientific studies are cited to highlight how informal caregiving is an issue of women. Resembling other news articles, there is an overarching critique of how the Swedish welfare state has developed for the worse, where the ideal, according to the author of the article, is that homecare services take care of your mother so you can work full-time, and that your son does not have to borrow money from you if he is unemployed. Moreover, it is argued that the welfare state is on "starvation," making families responsible for taking care of older adults, where o lder adults, their children, and the entire society lose, as this development leads to fewer working hours and thus less tax revenues (Aftonbladet 2012-12-13).

Several newspaper articles address the need for support towards informal caregivers or the lack of support, but only two articles mentioned legislative changes. A column with the headline "Municipalities let old women do forced labor" (Dagens ETC 2020-05-27), discussed how terrible it is to see how much informal caregivers have increased their efforts without any political debate taking place and no legislative changes made. The columnist argues that there has been a shift in the needs assessment of older adults and what is considered a reasonable standard of living has been lowered, with the implication that caregiving is forced, not voluntarily.

In a reportage (Svenska Dagbladet 2017-08-11), a researcher is interviewed about the difficulty of combining work with caring responsibilities. She argues that informal caregiving can become a trap for the caregiver and a prison for the older adults, since in many cases the older adults themselves prefer help from formal caregiving and not to be dependent on their family members. Women, she argues, experience the most significant negative consequences of informal caregiving:

Research [ . . .] shows that more people are feeling unwell or becoming sick-listed. This involves 140,000 professionals between the ages of 45 and 66 who reduce their hours, stop working or retire earlier than planned to care for a loved one. The gender difference is clear, she says, about 90,000 are women, compared t o 50,000 men. (Svenska Dagbladet 2017-08-11) The researcher further argues that eldercare is just as important as childcare and suggests the possibility of introducing "VAF" (Vård Av Förälder-temporarily leave to care of older parents) or "VAN"-(Vård Av Närstående-Temporarily leave for care of next of kin), similar to what parents can receive in the form of VAB-(Vård Av Barn-temporarily parental leave for childcare). At the same time, she points out that the opportunity to get paid days to care for an older adult should not be too many, as there is then a risk that politicians will decide not to expand elder care.

In sum, scientific reports, statistics and testimonies are drawn upon in combination with opinions of journalists to altogether produce and reproduce informal caregiving as a task for women, mainly affecting wo men of the working class.

Informal Caregivers Need for Support

One theme which stood out in the material was the need for improvement regarding support for informal caregivers. In a debate article, written by a local politician, the argument is that more knowledge about the situation for infor mal caregivers and support for caregivers is needed since:

Behind increased absenteeism, illness, stress and overload there may be one next of kin who struggles to get life together both at work and at home. (Oskarshamns-Tidningen 2013-12-19) As argued in several other articles, the overarching perspective is that the Swedish eldercare system is characterized by a critical shortage of institutional care, an overwhelming reliance on informal caregivers, and inconsistent support services towards informal caregivers. Despite the significant burden placed on informal caregivers, the support systems available to them are often inadequate. However, there are also articles that highlight the efforts made by municipalities in supporting next of kin (Ljusdals-Posten 2022-10-06), with Family caregiver support center offering up to 16 hours of respite care per month, free of charge.

In an article titled "Informal caregivers are carrying a heavier burden -and falling ill themselves" (Göteborgs Tidningen 2017-11-03), the health and wellbeing of informal caregivers is addressed. Here too, it is discussed that support for informal caregivers varies between municipalities and that there is a lack of financial support directed towards informal caregivers. A representative interviewed in the article from the National Association of Relatives [in Swedish: Anhörigas riksförbund] argues that less than half of all municipalities in Sweden provide financial support to informal caregivers; the trend is that fewer and fewer are offering it; and that support for informal caregivers differs a lot between municipalities. Even though the law stipulates that municipalities should offer support, there is no clear rule about what kind of support that should be provided. Some municipalities offer, according to the representative, a lot of help, such as respite care and financial support, while others offer very little. In this article, rese archers, senior organizations, and informal caregivers want to see greater investments in informal caregiving.

Informal Caregivers as "Lifelines" and "Saviors" of the Welfare State

One recurring theme was that of informal caregivers as "saviors" of the welfare state and "lifelines" for their older family member. Yet again, the overarching understanding was that cutbacks in the welfare sector result in informal caregiving being a key aspect for upholding the welfare state's responsibilities. Thus, this perspective made arguments of informal caregivers as "saviors" and "lifelines" possib le.

One example of an article where family carers are constructed as "saving" eldercare, with the title "Family carers saviors of eldercare" (Göteborgs-Posten 2004-02-24), was a report about a man who had cared for his wife for 15 years. The article intertwines the man's experiences with reports from the National Board of Health and Welfare (NBHW), on the situation of informal caregivers today. The newspaper article adapts a critical perspective, as the NBHW report is cited stating that: 'Eldercare is dependent on informal caregivers-without them, the welfare system collapses" (Göteborgs-Posten 2004-02-24) . The article also highlights the importance of the weekly get-togethers with other caregivers in the same situation, which, according to the husband, offers moral support. Furthermore, the husband's motive for caring for his wife, who had lost her ability to speak, was that there are "strong feelings involved" and that they had made a vow of looking after one another for better or for worse when getting married. Similar to other articles, there is also, although to some extent implicit, a cr itique of the low level of support that caregivers receive, as the compensation he receives from the state for him serving as his wife's "extended arm" is far from enough (Göteborgs-Posten 2004-02-24) .

A notion which runs throughout a majority of articles analyzed is that the welfare state is in decline and that eldercare has seen major cutbacks since the 1990s. In a debate article from 2002, a report from the NBHW is referred to claiming: "without the family carers, the welfare system would collapse" (Dagen 2002-11-20) . The article, however, draws attention to increased possibilities for relief through advanced home care provided by professionals, an option which, nevertheless, was found to be unequally distributed and of varying quality throughout the country (Dagen 2002-11-20) . The article concludes: "We mus t realize that policies concerning older adults do not concern a subgroup of the population, but they apply to all of us (Dagen 2002-11-20) .

In an article focused on a governmental report, the contribution of informal caregivers, in this case female partners, is highlighted as saving the Swedish welfare state 120,000 SEK per year per older male, as this was the estimated cost of one older man in need of homecare. This article aligns, consequently, with an economic logic, where the impact of informal caregiving is calculated in direct costs (Aftonbladet 1998-11-04) . Again, women are a rgued to take greater responsibility for providing care due to cutbacks in the welfare sector.

In several articles, informal caregivers were praised for conducting work of importance for older adults, for eldercare, and for society as a whole. In a reportage, a daughter is described as a "lifeline" for her mother who has extensive care needs after suffering two strokes (Expressen 2014-01-21).

Here, the daughter's hectic everyday life is described in detail: she has a full-time job, three teenage children, and no time for friends or leisure activities. She visits her mother three times a day and spends two hours per day with her. This is time that she could have spent with her children instead, which leads to feelings of guilt. In parallel with portraying her stressful life and sacrifices, a critique of the municipality's eldercare and priorities runs through the article. Because of the high turnover of homecare staff attending her mother, the second stroke was not discovered in time, because the staff, who had not met her mother for eight months, just thought she had become worse. The time pressure on staff is illustrated through the example that it takes a long time for her mother to finish a meal. Due to time pressure, the staff cannot always stay throughout the whole meal and the daughter has found half a meal in the trash. Critique was also directed at the municipality which invested money in a new cinema but not in eldercare. Moreover, the mother was considered not sick and frail enough to be eligible to reside at a nursing home but still had extensive care needs. The daughter did, however, also express that she understood the pressure and demanding workload on the staff, and that some staff were " nuggets of gold," who took time for her mother which meant a lot to her (Expressen 2014-01-21).

Several articles discuss that the care provided by informal caregivers to their loved ones is valued at 181 billion SEK (around 18 billion USD). This is based on a report from National Competence Center for Relatives [in Swedish: Nationellt kompetenscentrum anhöriga] which highlighted the cost savings for the state through informal care. In an article researchers are interviewed about this issue (Svenska Dagbladet 2017-08-06). The researchers argue that there is a political perception that care today is mainly conducted by formal caregivers, but s tudies and surveys reveal that the situation is the opposite where the larger part of care is carried out by informal caregivers.

DISCUSSION

The aim of this study was to examine news media representations of informal caregiving of older adults in Swedish news articles. After having analyzed news media articles, we identified four themes: nostalgia and the loss of welfare state ideals was a prevalent theme, which ran throughout the material. Through statistics, scientific studies and arguments by journalists, politicians, researchers, engaged citizens, and informal caregivers, the view of the ideals of the Swedish welfare state as seeing after the well-being of all, including older adults, was produced and reproduced as a lost era. Recurrently, it was stated that the time of a Sweden which was characterized by a generous and universal welfare state, built upon ideals of solidarity, is a thing of the past. A temporal aspect was also present in these constructs to make sense of this lost era, where the early 1990s mark the start of the steady decline of the welfare state. Thus, the period prior to the 1990s is represented in a nostalgic light where the welfare state was responsible for the well-being of all. This way of constructing a welfare issue, where de cline of the welfare state serves to enhance arguments of increased loneliness and deficiencies in eldercare and hence the need for political change is echoed in other studies (Ågren 2017; Jentoft 2023; Nilsson 2020) .

Through constructs of the decline of the welfare state, arguments on the extensive problems associated with informal caregiving of older adults were made possible with emphasis on the need for more resources to eldercare, acknowledging the needs of informal caregivers and a general shift in society where also older adults are included. One of the key problem formulations found was in the theme Informal caregiving as a trap for women. Here, focus was on how informal caregiving was a task considered to have profound negative effects for women. Women were positioned as victims where their old parents were placed "straight into the daughter's lap," resulting in women having to leave work due to caregiving duties, where the daughter's economy is affected negatively by this situation. Furthermore, there was a class and age component in these articles, as it was described as mainly a problem for working class middle-aged women. Hence, the news media representations of caregiving alluded to an intersection of class, gender, and age when representing working class middle-aged women as victims where their days were filled with the stress of combining work, caregiving, family life, and their own hobbies. This finding is in contrast with Marier and Van Pevenage's (2016) study on how gender is addressed in relation to caregiving of older adults. In their examination on how this topic is highlighted in francophone newspapers, it was found that only one-fifth of the articles mentioned gender. The authors argue that there is a double invisibility on this issue as women are invisible in newspapers, and when they appear, it is because women are considered to be forgotten in policies (Marier and Van Pevenage 2016) . The issue of invisibility of women in policies, politics, and society was also found in the current study, where the lack of support from the welfare state was a recurrent issue. This emphasis on informal caregiving as a task often forced on women in Sweden is, however, not entirely evident in research as some studies indicate that both men and women are increasingly taking part in caregiving tasks, and that the gender distribution has been relatively even over time (Wallroth, & Jegermalm, 2025) .

Informal caregivers' need for support was another prevalent theme, which showed many similarities with the other themes, such as portrayals of caregivers as struggling with the work-life balance, financial strain on caregivers and decline in the welfare state and eldercare. Arguments were supported by referring to surveys, investigations, reports, and scientific studies. Focus in the articles made explicit the need for supportive legislation for informal caregivers. The discussion on support focused both on the need to provide financial support to informal caregivers and support through professionals who make it possible for informal caregivers to get some rest. Hence, in this theme, primary attention was on legislation. An overarching construct within this theme was, as in other themes found in this study, that of informal caregivers as forgotten or neglected and the need to acknowledge the important contribution to society that is carried out by informal caregivers and how demanding their lives can be. Even if it is not always explicitly stated in newspaper articles, Sweden's emphasis on ol der adults' selfdetermination can create challenges for informal caregivers, because next of kin lack formal authority in care planning (see Österholm, Taghizadeh Larsson and Olaison 2016) . Meanwhile, informed consent is crucial for all care services, including respite c are (Wallroth and Ågren 2023) . This can lead to situations where caregivers are unable to access necessary respite due to the older adult's refusal of alternative care arrangements, creating an ethical dilemma for needs assessor s (Giertz, Emilsson, and Vingare 2019; Österholm et al. 2016; Wallroth 2018) .

The perspective on informal caregivers' contributions to society was indeed present in the theme of Informal caregivers as "lifelines" and saviors of the welfare state. Within this theme, personal experiences of caregivers were intertwined with governmental reports. The perspective of the governmental reports, as presented in the news media articles, was that eldercare would collapse without informal caregivers. The perspectives shifted dramatically between one individual's everyday life to governmental reports based on large surveys and thus had a more general tone. Moreover, caregiving was presented as a private matter with detailed descriptions of caregivers' everyday lives, but simultaneously transformed into a public concern, as one individual's life is made public through news media articles. Hence, the issue of informal caregiving is a private issue, meanwhile, similar to death and loneliness (Ågren 2020; Walter, Littlewood, and Pickering 1995) , it is increasingly being transformed into a public concern through policies, debates and the news media (Conrad 1997; Misra et al. 2003) .

While we acknowledge the interconnected nature of the themes identified in this study, as previously noted, each theme captures distinct, albeit related, discourses prevalent in the news media coverage of informal caregiving. As illustrated, the construct of the decline of the welfare state served as a point of departure throughout the themes. In the other themes, this critique was both implicit and explicit, but attention was, within each theme, on more specific issues, such as informal caregiving as a trap for women, the lack of support to informal caregivers in general, and informal caregivers as saviors and lifelines of the welfare state. Along these lines, Jönson (2016) found competing ways of framing the problem of nursing home scandals in public debates. Through pre-existing general ways of interpreting and explaining the scandals, focus was not on older adults, but mainly on organizational deficiencies and privatization as causes of mistreatment. Although examining a different issue, we consider this finding to be applicable to our study, where the explanation for problems of informal caregiving was rooted in a general understanding of cutbacks in eldercare. Specific individuals or professions are not seen as causing the problem. Instead, the welfare state is in general terms seen as not meeting the needs of informal caregivers, where the older adult in need receives only a few hours of care and the family caregiver receives only minimal support from the municipality, if any at all. Thus, the critique is based on an understanding of societal development where the welfare state has undergone austerity measures on the macrolevel, combined with microlevel perspectives where the municipality in focus has made decisions in individual cases, wher e the older adult in need of care is not considered ill enough to receive care, and, hence, the family caregiver is not entitled to support from the municipality.

A critical aspect to consider regarding the care of sick, frail, and dying persons is that i t is largely about what Hughes (1984) calls "dirty work" and what Twigg (2006) refers to as "body work." It involves physically demanding work such as taking care of bodies where sick or fragile people must be fed, helped with going to the toilet, and with washing themselves (Twigg 2006) . This type of intimate body work is not expected to be done in close adult relationships, in an age where professional and technical perspectives rather than interpersonal skills are emphasized (Exley and Allen 2007) . As we have highlighted, the private experiences of informal caregiving were indeed conflated with more general perspectives, through debate articles with societal perspectives, large surveys, and research on population level. When describing the tasks performed by informal caregivers and why this is a demanding endeavor, the "dirty work" and "body work" were not acknowledged, as the actual tasks performed and the implications for informal caregivers were not highlighted. Attention was, instead, on how informal caregiving results in having to reduce working hours, while also balancing the challenge of attending to caregiving duties with time for family, friends, and leisure activities. Hence, although to some extent focusing on the emotional strain, the main attention was on the consequences for working life and economic aspects.

News media reports are not objective mirrors of reality but instead are shaped by the societal context within which they are produced. These constructions convey meaningful symbols that reflect the values, beliefs, and power dynamics of their time (Thompson 2000) . Media coverage can influence how these issues are prioritized by politicians and decision-makers, how they are discussed in public debate, and how they are experienced by citizens in several ways. Unlike Walter et al. (1995) and Seale (2004) , who argue that the media mainly report on extraordinary events, in their studies extraordinary deaths, we found that the Swedish news media described informal caregivers' everyday lives in detail, albeit in dramatic terms. This included portraying their near collapse, an almost impossible work-life balance, and lack of support from the welfare state, highlighting a focus on ongoing hardship rather than unique fatal events. This situation was, in turn, argued as being caused by structural problems with the cutbacks in welfare state services and eldercare over the past decades as prime cause to the problematic situation for family caregivers.

Despite the focus of this study being on representations of informal carers of older adults, there was a nearly complete absence of the voices of the older adults themselves. Across the themes identifiedfrom the impact of welfare state cutbacks on family caregiving to the portrayal of informal care as a burden on women-the themes are predominantly framed through the perspectives of caregivers, journalists, researchers, and politicians. Even in discussions concerning the adequacy of eldercare provision and the strain on carers, the direct experiences and opinions of the older people receiving this care are missing. This silence is particularly noteworthy given that these are the individuals at the center of the caregiving relationship and whose well-being is directly affected by the issues being discussed.

Implications

The news media has a powerful influence on public opinion, particularly for those who do not engage with research directly. While Swedish legislation and regulations concerning eldercare are established at a national level, these laws are intentionally broad. The interpretation of what constitutes eldercare, and its specific provisions, is left to the discretion of municipalities, based on the unique needs of each older adult applying for eldercare service. Although there's a mandated standard of equal care across Sweden, it is evident that municipalities apply varying interpretations of these laws and guidelines. The media coverage analyzed in this study contained surprisingly few explicit calls for specific policy changes and, hence, overall no specific municipalities were addressed. Despite the spread of newspapers regarding geographical distribution area being rather equal between local, regional, and national level, the dominant discourse focused on broader critiques of the national welfare state and the eldercare system, covering issues such as funding cuts and legislative frameworks. However, the themes of informal care giving as a trap for women and Informal caregivers need for support implicitly highlighted areas where municipal policy is crucial, particularly concerning the provision of local support services and addressing gender inequalities in caregiving responsibilities.

The media's emphasis on the decline of the Swedish welfare state has the potential to shape public perception, emphasizing a nostalgic past and a present characterized by inadequate support for caregivers. Furthermore, the newspaper articles analyzed have framed caregiving as an issue for women and a burden primarily borne by women, potentially reinforcing gender stereotypes and potentially limiting policy solutions that address the needs of both female and male caregivers. In sum, we argue that newspaper articles on informal caregiving of older adults contribute to insights on the demanding situation for many caregivers in the past and today. We consider, nevertheless, that certain imagined identities of an ideal caregiver are produced and reproduced, where working-class women are predominantly addressed and portrayed, leaving little room for the experiences of male informal caregivers and older adults who receive care. Hence, since news media coverage potentially influences policymakers' priorities, it is important to highlight how informal caregiving is represented and to maintain a critical awareness regarding whose perspectives dominate, how different perspectives are intertwined, and who i s made responsible for causing and also solving problems associated with informal caregiving and the risk of carer harm.

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